Thursday, March 31, 2011

April's Newsflash#2

 Rape as Political Oppression
           In March, Libyan rebels mirrored the activities of many countries in that region and rebelled against their suppressive government.  This government, controlled by Colonol Mummar el-Quaddafi for 42 years, retaliated swiftly and harshly.  American and European forces have since joined in to aide the rebels as the country continues to exist in turmoil and violence (“Libya-Protests and Revolts”).  Splashed across this backdrop is the story of one Libyan woman.  Eman al Obaidi captured the interest of American journalists by forcing her way into the hotel where they were staying screaming that she had been raped by Quaddafi’s men (“Mother of Libyan Woman”). This event elicited a surprising amount of support from her countrymen (Sayah).  Echoing the arguments made by Susan Browmiller in Against Our Wills, her rape has become more than the violation of one woman by a group of males.  It is one of the many rapes that contribute to rape as a culture (Freedman).  This culture of sexual violation walks hand in hand with a culture of political violation – this is why Obaidi’s actions have become a rallying point for her fellow political rebels; we must examine the way culture normalizes both political and sexual oppression in order to move towards overcoming them both.
http://www.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/africa/03/28/libya.beaten.woman/index.html
            Brownmiller argues that individual cases of rape such as this one affect not only the specific victims and specific attackers; rape translates into a wider system of terrorization that affects all women.  This is what she means by her famous quote that rape is “A conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear” (Freedman, 312).  Though I disagree with Brownmiller on one point, I do not think that rapists consciously collectivize, I do think that this way of viewing rape is useful.  Its prevalence demands us to examine it as a system not a culmination of individual instances. Brownmiller explains that historically, societies respond to rape victims by silencing them.  The second wave feminist movement began to fight back for all women by breaking this silence.
            Initially government officials scrambled to impose this same silence onto Obaidi.  She entered the hotel seemingly with the intent of gaining aide from the foreign reporters by shouting in English that she had been held for days and repeatedly beaten and raped by 15 men – members of Quaddafi’s regime.  Government officials, security and hotel staff fought to subdue her, forced her into an unmarked vehicle and removed her from the hotel.  CNN cameras containing footage were deliberately smashed.  Officials later reportedly contacted Obaidi’s mother and said that they would release Obaidi if she changed her story (“Mother of Libyan Woman”).  This attempt to silence Obaidi further stabilizes the practice, which feminists battled to unhinge.  Silencing becomes a reality for all women – victims of either the actuality or the fear of rape.   Obaidi took steps to undermine this pressure to be silent by contacting the media.  As her story spreads, she defies her attackers. 
Another common theme of many rape crimes shifts the identity of the victim from accuser to accused (Freedman).  In Obaidi’s case, the four men identified as her alleged attackers have filed a suit against her for slander.  They argue that Obaidi denied them proper rights by going first to the publicity of reporters rather than the police with her allegations.  This is complicated by Islamic law, which prizes and protects the good name of an individual and the family they associate with.  Obaidi’s actions negatively affect not only her attackers but also their families (Feller).  Though this may be the case, these alleged attackers’ actions represent common themes in rape cases where female victims are vilified and seen to be “asking for” or in some way guilty for their own assault (Freedman).  The woman is painted as a malicious individual who either lies about her attack, deserves it, or secretly wants it.
These same characteristics of Obaidai’s and many victims’ rapes echo in the political realm.  For her, political and sexual exploitation intermix.  She describes her attackers not simply as men but as Quaddafi’s men.  This positions her both as a woman and a rebel attacked by men and by Quaddafi respectively.  When officials subdued her in the hotel, one of the hotel staff reportedly yelled “Traitor!” (“Mother of Libyan Woman”).  This language connects Obaidi’s action to the political movement and implies that her actions threaten her country.  She spoke her truth, and since this staff perceived her truth as a threat to Quaddafi’s state, this individual condemned her for it.  Her use of vocal agency had far-reaching political impacts.  It spoke for all women but also for all rebels.
            This can be seen in her countryman’s response.  Following this incident, hundreds of fellow rebels banned together and marched on the city’s courthouse to express their protest of her treatment and to extend support to Obaidi (Sayah).  Though this demonstrates great solidarity for her; it is more than that.  Protesters expressed that this incident shows what they have experienced under Quaddafi’s rule for decades.  This way of interpreting the event positions her experience as an example of exploitation that applies to politics as well.  This connects to an overall theme of feminism throughout the waves.  Often coming out of civil rights movements, one example of freedom inspires women to fight for another.  Feminism seeks freedom from oppression for all – genders, classes, races, sexual orientations, etc.  In this way, rape – a violation of freedom – connects metaphorically with the rape of a country.  Obaidi’s story resonates with the rebels because her experience of oppression mirrors their own.
Every great historical state of oppression – including Quaddafi’s – is characterized by censorship, elimination of critics, distortion of facts through propaganda and scaring citizens into silent submission.  This sounds a lot like the tactics rape culture uses to ensure rapists protection and domination.  Even including propaganda, the array of juicy paperback literature targeted towards women details instances of female rape where the woman secretly wants to be coerced into sexual intercourse.  This creates a world where rape becomes fantasy and rapists fulfill this fantasy rather then violate female autonomy. These are marketed as arousing literature for women.  Similarly, high-end fashion companies depict and glamorize rape scenes under the guise of pushing boundaries.  These boundaries are pushed but not in a way that reveals the true nature of rape.  Instead, similar to political propaganda, these ads and literature distort an issue and create a culture of oppression
An older man pins a woman to the ground while a group of younger men look on.
(http://www.adrants.com/images/dg_girl_down.jpg)


Here a man lies exposed with eyes closed while other clothed men look on.  (http://blog.lib.umn.edu/raim0007/gwss1001/D%26Gadman.jpg)











Rape’s highly symbolic overtones create a way of thinking where oppression – even political oppression – is a crime.  In many ways, this is encouraging.  The Libyan people’s response to Obaidi’s rape shows how people identify with her in the fight against oppression, both sexual and political.  The way this case was handled, however, is discouraging.  The reoccurrence of many classical responses to rape shows how far we still have to go to reach the goal of fighting back (Brownmiller).  Part of the way we can fight back is to end oppression for all.  On a practical level, this means exposing and refusing to accept propaganda that supports any kind of oppression whether it be sexual, political, or otherwise. 


Works Cited
Feller, Ben. "'Gang-raped' Libyan Woman Charged | Herald Sun." Herald Sun | Latest Melbourne & Victoria News | HeraldSun. Herald Sun, 30 Mar. 2011. Web. 31Mar. 2011. <http://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/world/gaddafi-hometown-hit-by-air-raids-as-libya-crisis-continues/story-e6frf7lf-1226030423548>.

Freedoman, Estelle B. The Essential Feminist Reader. The Modern Library: New York.
2007.

"Libya - Protests and Revolts (2011)." World. The New York Times. Web. 28 Mar. 2011.
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/libya/index.html>.

"Mother of Libyan Woman Who Alleged Rape Says Daughter Still in Custody –
CNN.com." CNN.com - Breaking News, U.S., World, Weather, Entertainment & Video News. CNN, 28 Mar. 2011. Web. 31 Mar. 2011. <http://www.cnn.com/ 2011/ WORLD/africa/03/28/libya.beaten.woman/index.html>.

Sayah, Reza. "Rally to Support Raped Libyan Women - World News - IBNLive." CNN-
IBN, Live India News, Breaking News, World, Business, Tech, Sports & Entertainment News. CNN, 28 Mar. 2011. Web. 31 Mar. 2011. <http://ibnlive.in.com/news/rally-to-support-raped-libyan-women/147316-2.html>.

1 comment:

  1. The facts of this case are very unfortunate. It's always surprising to see which crimes are not treated as crimes. Rape is one of them.

    What I find to be equally as interesting is the connection you make to propaganda. This is something that could lead to an entirely different Newsflash! I never analyzed these pictures past sexism and their clothes, but when you brought out how these images perpetuate our rape culture or "rape fantasy," it does make a lot of sense and I can see the connection.

    How do you propose we end these images? With our interest in keeping government hands off of "freedom of speech" and especially the speech from our big corporations, I don't see this actually happening. It also is sad that these types of images happen in "high fashion" as you said. It is glamorous. It is top of the top. And we have to question ourselves and say, "Wait, is this the best that we've got?" It's only adding to political oppression, like your title and newsflash stresses.

    Very interesting newsflash! Love your connection to current events/media and the texts.

    ReplyDelete